Brief history of Theravada - anonymity of Great Teachers - specialisation of
Bhikkhus - ‘the works of books’ and practice - popular Buddhism - ordination
for custom or merit - Rains-Bhikkhus - disrobing - ritualism - why do people
go to vihāras? - why go to see Bhikkhus? - why Bhikkhus go to the houses of
laypeople - wrong livelihood - the government of the Sangha - divisions in the
Sangha - in Sri Lanka, Burma, Thailand and other countries - buildings in a
town vihāra - in a forest vihāra - some popular devotional verses.
Theravada Buddhism
gradually dwindled in northern India with the onslaught of anti-Buddhist
activities by many brahmins intent on upholding the views and rituals of their
religion. Other Buddhist schools also displaced the original tradition perhaps
because they believed in sugaring the slightly bitter pill of the Four Noble
Truths with sweet confections of bhaktic devotion, or else serving up
complicated dishes of the Bodhisatta’s path through aeons of striving. Had the
Sāsana remained entire with numerous Arahants to adorn it, like jewels in a
golden crown, there is no way that it could have declined.
In south India,
Theravāda remained strong for many hundreds of years[1]
aided by its firm establishment, in Sri Lanka. From these two bases Bhikkhus
were invited to go to the Golden Land to reform the Buddhism, which had taken
root there. This was not always Theravāda and the purity and good conduct of
the Bhikkhus from Sri Lanka caused people to love them so that various sects,
corrupting the Buddha-word, dwindled away. Theravāda spread through Burma due
to the influence of those Bhikkhus and across into the Siamese kingdoms of
Sukhotai and Ayudhya. Sinhalese-style Buddhism also spread up the Isthmus of
Kra from Nakorn Sri Dhammaraj where there is still a great stupa in Sinhalese
form. From Siam it reached Cambodia at the time when the Khmer Empire was
going into decline and so replaced the costly cults of imperially sponsored
Mahāyāna with a popularly based teaching. Theravāda in Laos, or the various
princely states which now compose Laos, also originated in Siam but its spread
was late, about 400 years ago. Thais, even those now within China, turned to
Theravāda Buddhism which continues its spread in a small way within the
borders of the present Buddhist states wherever there are hill-tribes or other
ethnic minorities.
In brief this is the
history of Theravāda Buddhism from the time of the Emperor Asoka down to the
present. To some extent also, this was the history of the Sangha though in
some periods and some countries our knowledge is meagre. We have the names of
a few prominent Bhikkhu-scholars and their Pali compositions but little or
nothing of their lives. As to the other side of Theravada, the Teachers of
meditation and how and where they taught, usually we do not even have their
names. The latter write books only rarely and so their fame was limited to
their own days, to the times of their disciples and then gradually forgotten.
This of course, was in the great tradition of anonymity established by the
Buddha himself. He did not instruct his Arahant disciples to record his own
life, the early events of which he seldom mentioned, let alone write an
account of it himself. The Arahants in the Buddha-time and later also did not
set down their own biographies. If we know anything about them it is because
their own disciples, or the disciples of their disciples, thought it
worthwhile to record the few events remaining in their minds. No doubt those
who are Enlightened and so have no longer any view of ‘self’ or ‘soul’ find it
uninteresting to record events from their own lives. It is for this reason
that in the Buddhist countries of South and South-east Asia, few names are
known of great spiritual masters even two or three hundred years ago. This
anonymity has also been made more absolute by the steady turn of the wheel of
change, such factors as tropical climates and insects and, of course, war.
So now we come to the
present time. We should examine one important question: Is the purpose of
becoming a Bhikkhu now the same as it was in the Buddha’s days? We have seen
in Chapter IV that even then there was specialisation in the Sangha. Some made
strong renunciation efforts in the forests by themselves or with a Teacher or
a few companions. They aimed at and often attained the end of the Holy Life.
They were Arahants of whom it was often said: „Birth is exhausted, the Holy
Life has been lived out, what was to be done is done, there is no more of this
to come“. They numbered thousands and thousands in the days of the Buddha but
the numbers of Bhikkhus who were not Arahants and whose aim was not directly
Arahantship, was greater yet. Their aims were various, some of them approved
for Bhikkhus and some not.
Among those whose aims
accorded with the Dhamma were the reciter-bhikkhus, though sometimes too they
would take up meditation practice when their learning was complete and they
had passed it on to others. These reciters were the ancestors of the Bhikkhus
engaged in scriptural study who are so numerous in Buddhist countries now. The
pattern of development went something like this: In the Commentaries, the
Sasana, the Buddha’s whole range of teachings, his instructions or religion,
was divided into the Dhamma of thorough learning (pariyatti),
the Dhamma of practice (patipatti)
and the Dhamma of penetration (pativedha).
These three are logically parts of a whole process. One goes to a Teacher and
learns thoroughly, which means both learning by heart and reflection upon his
teachings. Then one begins to practise according to those instructions, words
and thoughts being turned to the Dhamma and then disappearing in meditation,
until finally the Truth of Dhamma is penetrated in this very mind and body.
For example, a Teacher would give a talk on impermanence, which his disciples
would remember, more or less, according to their memories. Then they practised
meditation in which change in mind and body is seen to be continuous. Finally
some of them were liberated by persistent meditation from the view ‘I am’ and
the notions of permanence, which trail along with it; they then flowed along
with impermanence knowing it all the time, without any fear. These three
stages are one explanation of why the Buddha’s teachings are said to be „good
in the beginning, good in the middle and good at the end“.
Some Bhikkhus quite
early on must have found learning more to their liking than intensive
practice, which still means that they could be good Bhikkhus imbued with
loving kindness and keeping strictly to the Vinaya. Other Bhikkhus, however,
found a meditation Teacher quickly after their Acceptance, and practised under
his guidance caring little or nothing for the study of texts. In the
Commentaries these two types have crystallised as ‘the work of books’ and ‘the
work of insight’ and are regarded there, as down to the present day in
Buddhist countries, as quite distinct. They are even attributed in the
Commentaries to the days of the Buddha, a strange anachronism since there were
then no books to study!
Thorough learning of
oral texts developed into ‘the work of books’ because of the Sangha’s decision
at the Fourth Council (in Ceylon, about 85 BC)[2]
to write down the Three Baskets, the Vinaya, Sutta and Abhidhamma, on palm
leaves rather than continue the oral repetition of them. When they had been
written down then other works explaining them could also be written and so
began the production of Commentaries, sub-commentaries and works of all kinds,
which continue to be produced in the Pali language down to our own days.
Another cause for the
increased importance of books was that in moving the centre of Theravada from
the Gangetic valley to Sri Lanka, the language of Pali had to be learnt. In
its home it was the peoples’ language, perhaps a lingua franca over a wide
area, but it was not intelligible without study to people in Sri Lanka. So
Pali became a ‘dead’ language, a unique one since it has only the Buddha’s
words enshrined in it, with the advantage over a living tongue of not changing
in words or concepts, so that the exact meaning of the Buddha can be
ascertained by anyone who learns Pali well.
Also, during the early
centuries of Buddhism in Sri Lanka, the Sinhalese Bhikkhus decided that study
was more important than meditation practice (an attitude which persists down
to the present in Sri Lanka[3]).
This attitude is stressed in some places in the Pali Commentaries but runs
counter to the Buddha’s own teachings: He did not arrive at Enlightenment by
studying texts; only by practice, especially of meditation, did he reach the
final attainment. In the Suttas, no encouragement is given to study divorced
from practice. To give an example, we have the Buddha’s words in Dhammapada,
(verses 19-20 quoted below) spoken about two Bhikkhus, one of whom became a
scholar and famous teacher of texts with many pupils. The other got a subject
of meditation and retired to the forest, after strenuous efforts attaining
Arahantship. They met after a number of years and the scholar, proud of his
learning, decided to tax the Arahant with his lack of scriptural knowledge.
The Buddha seeing how much harm he would bring on himself by doing so went and
questioned both of them on Dhamma. The scholar could explain only according to
the texts and only some way but the Arahant could clarify subtle points of
Dhamma dealing with attainment. These were the Buddha’s words on that
occasion:
(A samana in these
verses, means one who makes himself peaceful in mind, speech and body).
Even though those
Bhikkhus in the Fourth Council, most of whom are likely to have been from
among the reciters, laid more stress on learning, the tradition of practice
continued. Doubtless the Teachers of meditation who may have been Noble Ones,
even Arahants, smiled to themselves at decisions like this: „Even if there
would be a hundred or a thousand Bhikkhus arousing themselves to insight, if
there would be no study of the doctrine, then there could be no realisation of
the Noble Path[4].“
The practising Bhikkhus were little esteemed by those who wrote the books in
Sri Lanka, but wise lay disciples, will have looked at it differently. The
help that lay people can get from a scholar and from one on the path to
Enlightenment by practice, is different. The first gives the Buddha’s words
and the commentarial explanations and perhaps some illustrations of his own
but the meditation Teacher though he rarely quotes the Buddha and hardly ever
the Commentaries yet offers advice from his own experiences. There is no
question at all as to who keeps the Buddhasasana alive: it is those who have
realised its truth through practice and penetration. Great Enlightened
Teachers of the present day emphasise that one should come back to study after
one has done this, when the Buddha’s words will have such profundity, as they
could not have to the unenlightened, and be such a great help to formulating
Dhamma and teaching it.
The venerable Ananda
when asked why the Buddha’s teachings would decline,[5]
replied that it was when people no longer practised the four foundations of
mindfulness.[6]
And these are the key to successful meditation. Fortunately, there are still a
good number of Bhikkhus who engage in effort, mindfulness and meditation, in
all Buddhist countries, especially Burma and Thailand. Certainly the
proportion of Bhikkhus engaging in practice is much smaller now than was the
case in the Buddha-time, while those who study are numerous.
Another factor, which
has affected this change, is the popularisation of Buddhism. In Thailand, over
90% of the people are Buddhists. But this does not mean, as some idealists
imagine, that they all practise meditation every day (and how different things
would be then!) For many people Buddhism is a vital part of their lives but it
consists o their own mixture. This will be composed of Buddhist festivals,
occasions of making merit in their own homes and at the monasteries having
their sons ordained as novices or Bhikkhus, and consulting Bhikkhus they know
well on how to protect themselves against various dangers, also enquiring
about what is likely to happen through astrology. Among these things, only
making merit (by supporting the Sangha) and ordinations go back to the
Buddha’s time. Other features have been added later as people desired them.
The Sangha is composed of the people and some remain monks for life, but
others stay in the Sangha for periods ranging from days to many years and then
leave to become householders again whenever they wish to do so. They bring
with them superstitions from lay society, which may be dispelled by their
Bhikkhu practice, but may not be. This situation could be illustrated by
picturing the most highly dedicated (always few in number) in the innermost of
several concentric circles, while around them in ever increasing numbers, as
one moves outwards, are the other classes of people. Where this is the case -
and all human beings have the same basic characteristics - study is bound to
appeal to a greater number, meditation to fewer.
Again, in Buddhist
countries now, becoming a novice or a Bhikkhu may be for yet other reasons,
such as custom and merit making for people who have died. It is a custom in
Thailand, Laos, Cambodia and Burma for a young man to become a Bhikkhu for one
Rains residence. Sometimes it is done for less than this but occasionally the
Rains Bhikkhus, as they are called in Thailand, stay on in the Sangha because
they find the life to their liking. This custom has both good and bad effects
on the Sangha. The good effects are that Buddhist knowledge and conduct are
carried back into lay society when the Rains-Bhikkhu disrobes. Also, there is
little feeling of strangeness about the Sangha among laymen, for they have
been in the Sangha themselves. On the negative side is the worldly influence
brought by the Rains-Bhikkhus into the monasteries, a worldliness that if
there are many of them, easily rubs off onto the more permanent inhabitants.
Also, much time and energy must be expended on these temporary monks, which
could otherwise go into deeper learning or into more practice.
It is also a custom to
make merit for a dead relative or for some other loved and respected person
(such as the king) by becoming a Bhikkhu for a few weeks or months and
dedicating all one’s good kammas or merits to the dead person. One might
indeed help them provided that something good is practised but this custom too
can be debased when the ordination alone, just dressing as a Bhikkhu, is
considered to be sufficient.
All this has changed
considerably the attitude to disrobing, that is, to reverting to lay status.
In the Buddha’s days most Bhikkhus ordained for life and could live happily
all their days in robes because they practised the work of insight-meditation.
(Even now, in Sri Lanka it is common for Bhikkhus to remain all their lives in
the Sangha but as most of them are engaged in study the result is not always
so happy). Lay life was called by the Buddha the low state and often he spoke
strongly about not reverting to the low state. Certainly he allowed disrobing
by Bhikkhus knowing that some would find the Holy Life impossible after some
time but he exhorted those like venerable Nanda[7]
who thought of doing so to practise more intensively instead. In most
Theravada countries now, excluding Sri Lanka, disrobing carries no blame,
indeed in Thailand the young man who has been a Rains-Bhikkhu and returned to
his home is still called, in the countryside, ‘dit’, an abbreviation for ‘pandita’,
a wise man.
With the increased
emphasis on study went a corresponding increase of ritual. This grew up in the
Buddha’s teachings, in its purest forms the most unritualistic of paths,
firstly due to the more devotee-type of Bhikkhus and second, to the pressure
exerted by lay people who wanted ceremonies to mark the principal events of
life: birth, marriage and death. Indeed, something had to be provided, for if
Buddhist ways of doing things were not available then the laity could turn, in
India, to the brahmins and elsewhere to other pre-Buddhist priests.
But Bhikkhus have
managed fairly successfully not to become priests. The Dhamma, of course,
supplies no basis for a Buddhist priest, in the sense of a mediator between
God and man. As no Creator exists, no mediator priest is necessary. We have
seen already that Bhikkhus cannot marry people, well, nor can they guarantee
them passage to a good future life. That depends on the kammas made by them
while alive and in the last moment of consciousness at death. But Bhikkhus are
invited at such occasions and requested to chant traditional verses and
discourses of the Buddha which are thought to promote harmonious vibrations
and to set up a good wholesome environment. This is particularly true when the
Bhikkhus who do the chanting are pure-hearted and practising well.
Of course, ritual has
its advantages as well as its dangers. The simple rituals of Theravada usually
have a basis in the Dhamma. For instance, people offer flowers to a figure of
the Buddha and while doing so repeat: „These flowers, bright and beautiful,
fragrant and good-smelling, handsome and well-formed, soon indeed discoloured,
ill-smelling and ugly they become. This very body, beautiful, fragrant and
well-formed, soon indeed discoloured, ill-smelling and ugly it becomes“. If
mindfulness is not strong while doing this or the act becomes mechanical then
its value is lost but when done with awareness and concentration, it is a
short contemplation of impermanence. Repeated many times with devotion in the
course of a life it could lead to the attainment of insight. The dangers have
been spoken of already and can be seen easily by critical eyes. It is such
dangers of ritualism which are the frequent target of westerners in the East.
But it is unfortunate that such criticism is often made without considering
the state of mind from which it has sprung - and this is nearly always
unwholesome.
We have already touched
on some of the relationships, which exist between Bhikkhus and laypeople. Some
other features should be considered here as well. For instance, what do people
go to a temple monastery for? The temple building, to be described below, will
be visited more or less frequently to make offerings of flowers, incense and
lights, followed by the triple prostration and perhaps chanting in Pali
well-known verses or passages recollecting the virtues of the Triple Gem.[8]
Such a visit to the temple is often a personal or family devotion with just
one person or a small group participating. The reason for the visit could be
the birth of a child, some fortunate business circumstances, or the death
anniversary of a beloved relative. Buddhist temples and shrines are usually
open and anyone may make his devotions at any time. On the other hand, the
occasion for such visits could be on the Uposatha days when many people go to
the temple, undertake the Eight Precepts and probably spend a whole day and
night there in the practice of Dhamma.[9]
People may go to the temple, which is in the monastery grounds, but they may
not meet any of the Bhikkhus who are resident there.
If they go to see
Bhikkhus, what is the purpose of their visit? Usually they take with them a
small gift, perhaps some incense, or candles and flowers to give to the
Bhikkhu they will visit. They may also take with them, if it is during the
morning when Bhikkhus eat, cooked food for one particular Bhikkhu or for
distribution to many. Even in the afternoon or evening food may be taken to
the monastery as an offering though it is not accepted by the Bhikkhus then
but put aside for the next day when a lay attendant will prepare it. Lay
people may request Bhikkhus to chant at the time of their visit or upon some
future occasion, such as an invitation to their houses. This is made for all
sorts of anniversaries or celebrations, in fact any time is a good time to
help support the Sangha and so make good kamma, or merit. These invitations
will include either a breakfast or a forenoon meal and the number of Bhikkhus
invited may vary from one to several dozen.
When they are visiting
the monastery lay people may also ask questions about Dhamma, or about how to
apply the Dhamma to the problems and difficulties they have to face in life.
They may also request a formal sermon to be delivered on an anniversary either
in the temple or in their homes. Again, they may go to an abbot with money
donations for repair work or new construction in his or other monasteries. He
will not accept the donation directly but have a layman, called a steward (veyyavaccakāra),
look after it and give a receipt for it. To some Bhikkhus who are known to
have healing abilities, laypeople may take those who are afflicted mentally or
physically and ask him to use his powers and sometimes knowledge of herbs,
too, to cure them. At other times, when in danger or sorrow, people may go to
ask the blessing of a Bhikkhu which he will give in a number of ways, from a
sprinkling with water to the gift of small Buddha-images or sections of
Buddhist scripture, to hang round the neck.
As a contrast, with this
there are the most devoted lay people who will go to a monastery and under the
guidance of the meditation Teacher there, stay as long as they can do
meditation all the day and much of the night. They would retire, of course, to
those monasteries, which specialise in meditation practice, very often far
away in the forest, on a mountain or clustered round a group of caves.
These are just some of
the many reasons why lay people go to temples and monasteries.
When we consider the
reverse, why Bhikkhus go to the houses of laypeople, some points have been
mentioned above. The commonest reason is the Bhikkhu’s alms round which may be
early in the morning as in Thailand and Burma or later as in Sri Lanka.[10]
The Bhikkhu is silent, walking barefoot silently, never asking for anything
and passing by quietly the houses and shops where nothing is given. When he is
offered food, he opens his bowl silently and when the donor have finished
giving, in silence he goes on his way to collect just enough to keep the body
going. On the alms round, to be seen every morning throughout Buddhist
countries (except Sri Lanka where it is now uncommon), Bhikkhus do not usually
enter peoples’ houses as the food is given at the doorstep. At the time of
invitation, however, Bhikkhus enter and are seated in duo order on the seats,
which have been prepared for them. As honoured guests they are offered
something to drink - tea or fruit juices and then the family may request the
Three Refuges and the Five Precepts, which they will repeat after the senior
most Bhikkhu. After this follows the auspicious chanting, varied according to
the occasion. A meal may be offered when this has finished and afterwards a
short sermon and then some verses called anumodanā - rejoicing
with the merits of the donors, are chanted. Gifts of necessities may be
offered to the Bhikkhus before these last verses, or money for their support,
may be placed in the hands of their attendant and the Bhikkhus informed of
this.
In Buddhist countries
now, indeed since the days of the Buddha, there are Bhikkhus who engage
themselves in ways, which the Buddha did not approve. They should be mentioned
here so that readers, if they go, or have been, in Buddhist lands, may not be
surprised. Commonest; among offenders are those Bhikkhus who do little or
nothing except wear their robes and eat two meals a day. Another Buddhist
tradition has called them „rice bags and clothe-hangers“, an apt name indeed.
When the number of Bhikkhus who do little except chat pleasantly with
relatives or friends becomes great then Buddhism is sure to be in trouble.
Among the graver departures from the Buddha’s intentions are those Bhikkhus
who become famous as possessors of real or supposed powers which they exploit;
as the Thai expression puts it ‘they want it loud’ - that is, their own
reputations. They dispense holy water, Buddha-amulets and the like and, while
they may lighten the burdens of others to some extent, they certainly make
their own karmic burdens heavier! Such Bhikkhus can become quite wealthy but
not in Dhamma.
Others achieve fame
through astrology - of which the Buddha sceptically said (in a previous life
when a Bodhisatta) „What will the stars do!“ In teaching Bhikkhus he called
such knowledge „low science“. Some have reputations for being able to cast out
demons and spirits and are known in Thailand as ‘ghost-doctors’. To help
people in this way is of course unobjectionable but it can be dangerous for
those who wield power since conceit increases easily in the unenlightened
mind. Then there are Bhikkhus who have medical knowledge of herbs and
different sorts of treatment such as massage.
But their knowledge is
not systematic and will be derived from their Teachers or from what they have
gathered going through life. A greater or lesser admixture of magical elements
also makes their treatments uncertain in results. The Buddha advised Bhikkhus
to treat other members of the Sangha and near relatives only, thus avoiding
awkward situations, which could arise if a Bhikkhu’s prescriptions turned out
ineffective, or worse, killed the patient. However, in past times when there
were no trained doctors, a Bhikkhu faced with a plea for medical assistance
would very likely act upon compassion rather than the Vinaya, the rules of
which are to prevent him from becoming a regular doctor with an income.
Bhikkhus who become
landowners or politicians also follow improper ways of livelihood. Landowning,
indeed any property, cannot be held by individual Bhikkhus but must belong to
the Sangha. And while it is proper for the Bhikkhus who shoulder the ‘work of
books’ to be concerned about the well being of laypeople, it goes too far when
they ally themselves with this or that political party. In fact, such support
only calls down obloquy on their heads when party-leaders do not live up to
their programme or are unsuccessful in their attempts at government. Politics
and parties, with all the strife that usually accompanies them, are for lay
Buddhists to take an interest in. In Thailand, Bhikkhus have no vote and are
expected to keep out of political matters. If they wish to engage in politics,
which is the layman’s world, then they disrobe and become laymen. Sri Lanka
with the difficult heritage left by colonialism does have Bhikkhus who have
attached themselves to various parties. In Burma, too, some Bhikkhus became
too interested in politics until this was discouraged by the present
government.
The two approved ways of
Bhikkhu livelihood will form the subject of the next chapter.
It is obvious that since
there are Bhikkhus whose practice is not so good, some measure of government
must exist in the Sangha. There are also various matters to be organised,
which require some kind of administrative structure. The Buddha laid down that
seniority among Bhikkhus, that is, how many ‘Rains’ they have passed in the
Sangha, was to be the reason for paying respects. Thus the senior most Bhikkhu
would be the one whom all others revered as their leader. This works well when
he is learned, a meditation master or both, but what if he is just „old in
vein“ while younger Bhikkhus have more virtues than he has? This difficulty
has been solved by the creation of ‘abbots’ of Vihāras. They are appointed and
elected (in Thailand) on the basis of their merits and the preferences of both
Bhikkhus and leading lay people. They hold that post, ‘Lord of the āvāsa’, as
long as they wish or until they die but though they have this position of rank
and title too, still they must pay respect to Bhikkhus with no such
appointments or learning as they have but who are senior in ordination.
Thailand, Cambodia and
Laos have hierarchies similar in character, with the country divided into
provinces, counties and districts, each division having an abbot appointed as
the ‘Chief of the Sangha’. From among the highest-ranking abbots in the
capitals a council is formed and from among its members the King (in Thailand)
appoints the most senior to be Sangharaja, literally the ‘Ruler of the
Sangha’. This Council meets frequently to discuss matters of importance for
the Sangha; also to take action when necessary about infractions of the
Vinaya.
Sri Lanka and Burma do
not have such a systematic method of Sangha government. In fact, in the three
countries first mentioned, the abbot still has a largo measure of autonomy but
this is still greater in Burma and Sri Lanka. There are no kings (rājā)
in these countries now so there are no Sangha-rajas though this office did
exist in the past. Differences in the Sangha, which have been smoothed over
better in Thailand, with its Sangha administration and Sangharaja, have caused
more dissension in the other two main countries of Theravāda. This has made
different groups in the Sangha more prominent.
[1]See, ‘Buddhism in South India’, Wheel 124-125, B.P.S.
[2]The Fifth Council was held in Burma in the reign of King Mindon-min, C.E. 1871, when the text of the Tipitaka was inscribed upon 729 marble slabs to be seen in Mandalay. The Sixth Great Council was international and held in Burma to mark the 2500th year of the Buddhist Era (1956).
[3]See, „The Heritage of the Bhikkhu“, Walpola Rahula, pp. 26-27.
[4]Ibid, pp. 26-27 quoting Anguttara Commentary.
[5]See, „The Splendour of Enlightenment“, Ch. XVI, Mahamakut Press.
[6]See, „The Heart of Buddhist Meditation“, Ven, Nyanaponika Thera, Rider and Co., London, p. 141 (-Related Collection, 47, 22-23).
[7]For his story see, „The Life of the Buddha“, B.P.S. Kandy, and „Buddhist Legends“, Vol. I p. 217.
[8]See Ch. VI and „Pali Chanting with Translations“, Mahamakut Press.
[9]See, „Lay Buddhist Practice“, Wheel 206-207, B.P.S.
[10]See, „The Bleesings of Pindapāta“ (The Almsround), Wheel No. 73 and the accounts in Ch. VI.